BusinessWeek (October 15, 2007)


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It alone profiled Jiang Yanyong, the whistle-blowing doctor who accused Chinese authorities of lying about the extent of the SARS epidemic. In June , it broke the story of Zhang Enzhao, the former chairman of China Construction Bank who had mysteriously "resigned" his post a month earlier and was under investigation for corruption.

That story was revelatory for the Chinese press; the confirmation that Zhang was in trouble came from a court case filed in the United States.

Although some government officials backed the company and wanted to censor the article, Caijing used a fake cover to trick those officials into thinking the magazine was publishing something else. Hu also has backup.

Jody Gnant | Bohemian. Geek. Soul. | Press

He succeeded, twice; exchanges were started in Shenzhen and Shanghai. With that work done, Wang started an investment firm and a media company he called SEEC and began publishing magazines. Social issues such as premarital sex, homosexuality, AIDS, domestic violence, corruption, and illegal land sales by Communist Party functionaries — all taboo in the past — can now be explored with unprecedented candor.

But is anyone at Party Central listening? I think not.

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Caijing may have helped contribute to an information revolution in China, but the political revolution is still a long way off. Communist Party censors routinely shutter wayward newspapers, fire gutsy editors, and jail recalcitrant reporters. So far, Caijing has escaped the often cruel fate of a Chinese periodical: a padlocked front gate and a silenced printing press.

But Caijing , like other Chinese media, also pulls its punches. The Tiananmen Square crackdown is off-limits. So is reporting about the practices of Falun Gong. And during the SARS epidemic, the magazine killed a major investigation into the failure of the party secretary of Guangdong Province to deal with the disease when it first erupted in November of As a cautious pessimist about the cause of political change in China, I sadly vote for the latter.


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Caijing pulls its punches because it must. Trending Now Sponsored Links by Taboola. Sign up for free access to 1 article per month and weekly email updates from expert policy analysts. Create a Foreign Policy account to access 1 article per month and free newsletters developed by policy experts. Thank you for being an FP Basic subscriber.

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Hu also has backup. He succeeded, twice; exchanges were started in Shenzhen and Shanghai. With that work done, Wang started an investment firm and a media company he called SEEC and began publishing magazines. Social issues such as premarital sex, homosexuality, AIDS, domestic violence, corruption, and illegal land sales by Communist Party functionaries — all taboo in the past — can now be explored with unprecedented candor.

But is anyone at Party Central listening? I think not. Caijing may have helped contribute to an information revolution in China, but the political revolution is still a long way off.

Case Studies

Communist Party censors routinely shutter wayward newspapers, fire gutsy editors, and jail recalcitrant reporters. So far, Caijing has escaped the often cruel fate of a Chinese periodical: a padlocked front gate and a silenced printing press. But Caijing , like other Chinese media, also pulls its punches.


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  7. The Tiananmen Square crackdown is off-limits. So is reporting about the practices of Falun Gong. And during the SARS epidemic, the magazine killed a major investigation into the failure of the party secretary of Guangdong Province to deal with the disease when it first erupted in November of As a cautious pessimist about the cause of political change in China, I sadly vote for the latter. Caijing pulls its punches because it must. Trending Now Sponsored Links by Taboola. Sign up for free access to 1 article per month and weekly email updates from expert policy analysts.

    Create a Foreign Policy account to access 1 article per month and free newsletters developed by policy experts.

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